SIDHARTHA SHANKAR ROY SPREAD RUMOURS TO MALIGN CPI (M) THROUGH FOUL MEANS DURING 1971-77

Shri Debabrata Bandyopadhyay is a trusted Advisor to the eccentric and obstructionist Trinamul Congress Supremo Mamata Banerjee. He is also a former Secretary of Revenue and erstwhile Secretary of Rural Development in the Government of India.

In a recent piece titled, "Citizens Beware! Killer Convicts at Large!" in the Mainstream magazine dated December 4-10, 2009 he has thrown mud on CPI (M) functionaries by building a monument of falsehood about "conviction", "release on parole" and "destruction of records".

In doing so and by using expressions such as "black mamba", "killer convicts", "nasty killer" to describe a serving and elected minister and other public functionaries, the author only further sullies his already discredited image.

What is striking is the absolute lack of editorial due diligence in publishing this malicious piece written by the former bureaucrat. Any editor worth her/his salt would have taken pains to check the veracity of the claims as well as been tempted to use editorial standards to vet some of the abominable language used. But alas, so consumed is the editor in buying the spurious monument of lies, there is none of that necessary editorial work.

Bandyopadhyay's entire article is a pack of lies, wrapped in a monument of malice intended to deliberately attack and demonize serving ministers and senior leaders of the ruling Communist Party of India (Marxist).

The context that provides the author to make such a willful character assassination and deliberate falsification of facts is the ‘Sainbari’ incident on 17th March 1970, where two brothers - sympathisers of the Congress party named Moloy Sain and Pronob Sain were killed.

These murders were made the pretext to falsely implicate the entire leadership of the CPI (M) in Burdwan district. It must be noted that this was done when West Bengal was under President's rule and the Congress party was going all out to target the CPI (M) and its cadres.
The argument of Bandyopadhyay's article is that:

1. 50/60 armed hooligans under the leadership of “Benoy Konar” attacked the residence of Sains in Burdwan with “foul mood” and murdered two Sain brothers named Moloy Sain and Pronob Sain.

2. 17 of the miscreants were responsible for the murder of the Sain brothers.

3. The author does not care to mention their names.

4. Eight of them, were "convicted" and life imprisonment was imposed upon them by the District and Sessions Judge of Burdwan in 1971.

5. Of the eight thus convicted- he names Benoy Konar (who is current Central Committee member of the CPI [M]), Politburo Member and West Bengal industries minister Nirupam Sen, Manik Roy (mentioned as "absconding"), Amal Haldar and Paltoo Bandyopadhyay.

6. The "convicts went on appeal before the Calcutta High Court twice.

7. On both occasions their appeal was rejected.

8. The convicts did not "curiously" prefer to appeal before the Supreme Court and instead "waited for an opportunity to get them out of the prison by foul means".

9. Later, when the CPI (M) came to power, "all the convicts of the Sain murder case were released on “unconditional and unlimited parole”.

10. The "records of the case" were "pilfered" from the "archives of the Calcutta High Court through their [the CPI (M)'s] committed members of the "Coordination Committee" among the employees of the High Court" and were destroyed.

11. The Registrar General, Calcutta High Court had "shockingly" reported to the Supreme Court that the High Court had no paper relating to the Sainbari case.

12. The "convicts" have been "enjoying unrestricted and unconditional parole for the last 32 years".

13. One Joydeep Mukherjee has filed a writ petition before the Supreme Court to find out how the "convicts" have been "enjoying unrestricted and unconditional parole for the last 32 years".

Thus framing his case for the article's headline that "killer convicts are at large", Bandyopadhyay then goes on to construct an elaborate pack of cards bringing the Singur and Nandigram "incidents" into the picture as he makes scurrilous after scandalous claim about the persons in question.

FACTS OF THE CASE AND ORDER

1. The 2nd United Front Government led by Ajoy Mukhopadhyay was dismissed by Governor Dharam Veera on 16-03-1970.

2. A 24-Hour Bangla Bandh was called by the CPI (M) and other Left Parties on the next day 17-03-1970.

3. In each and every locality in West Bengal the “Bandh” was being observed peacefully and the cadres of Leftist Parties took out processions and organized mass meetings against the dismissal of the State Government.

4. A similar peaceful procession was taken out in at Talmaruin area of Burdwan Town on that day by CPI (M) workers.

5. It was attacked by antisocial elements of Congress Party with bombs, lethal weapons and as a result one Gourhari Dey was injured seriously.

6. In the clash followed, 2 Sain brothers named Moloy Sain and Pronab Sain and one private tutor were killed.

7. At 12:30 PM on the same day, one Dilip Kumar Bhattacharya s/o Bomkesh Bhattacharjee of Ahiritola Lane, P.S. & Dist. Burdwan lodged an FIR with the Burdwan Police Station. The FIR was drafted by the District Congress President Nurul Islam in the Congress Party Office in consultation with Panchu Gopal Mukherjee, S.P. of Burdwan, Shankari Chatterjee, Officer-in-Charge, Burdwan Police Station and Rabindranath Ghosh, S.I. of Burdwan Police Station.

All the above three police officers had taken a pledge to wipe out CPI (M) from Burdwan District. Bijoyesh Ganguly was mentioned as witness.

8. The manufactured FIR mentioned clearly the following:

a. A peaceful ‘Bandh’ was being observed at the call of a political party but its armed cadres were giving provocative slogans.

b. At about 8-00 am an armed procession of about 1500/2000 people were proceeding through Pratapeswar-Shibtola in the town where the residence of Sain brothers was situated.

c. The processionists broke open the residence of the Sain Brothers, set it to fire and in the ensuing clash two Sain Brothers named Moloy Sain, Pronob Sain and family private tutor Jiten Roy were killed.

9. On the basis of the said FIR the Burdwan Police Station started P.S Case no 50 dt. 17.3.70 under sections 148/149/307/302/336/380 of I.P.C. against the following persons and took up investigation of the case.

(1) Ajit Kumar Mukherjee @ Tila (2) Kalyan Dutta Mondal (3) Pabitra Bhattacharjee (4) Madhu (5) Anwar Hossain (6) Akbar Hossain (7) Tapas Mukherjee (8) Vivek (9) Bulu (10) Amal Banerjee (11) Bablu Banerjee (12) Saikat Sain (13) Gandhi (14) Budo (15) Mahadeb Bhattacharjee (16) Swadhin Chatterjee (17) Mridul Sen (18) Salil Bhattacharjee (19) Subhas Chatterjee (20) Dilip Dubey (21) Ajoy Chatterjee (22) Bablu Dutta (23) Pradip Ghosh (24) Baidyanath Samanta (25) Sujit Ghosh (26) Subodh Chowdhury, (27) Amiya Dawn of Shaktigarh, Freedom Fighter Subodh Chowdhury and in the name of others totaling to 72 and 1500 unknown people.

In the original FIR there was no mention of the names of the then MLA Benoy Konar, Gokulananda Roy, Municipal Councillor Mojammel Hossain, Ramnarayan Goswami @ Kudo, Abdul Rashid, Swapan Banerjee and others.

10. Shri Tarun Dutta was the District Magistrate of Burdwan.

11. Later the officiating Chief Minister Shri Sidhartha Shankar Roy had been to Burdwan a number of times. He met the mother of Sain brothers Smt. Mrignayana Devi and made a wide-spread false and malicious propaganda that she was forced to eat boiled rice mixed with blood of her two slain sons on the fateful day. He had also introduced her to Smt. Indira Gandhi.

12. The notorious Governor Dharam Veera also visited Burdwan to give it wide publicity.

13. All the anti-Leftist Forces and a section of perverted media in the country had spread concocted stories of CPI (M) brutality and made it an all India issue.

14. After completion of the investigation the D.D.I., Asansol submitted a charge sheet against 111 persons including Benoy Konar and others on 8.2.71 under various sections of the Penal code including sections 326/302/440/836/114/149/336 of I.P.C. before the S.D.J.M Burdwan.

15. The Investigating Officer requested the Court to release 34 innocent persons who were arrested indiscriminately by him.

16. Out of these 111 accused persons, 56 persons were in jail as Under Trial Prisoners.

17. In this case " STATE V AJIT MUKHERJEE AND 83 OTHERS” also known as the “SAINBARI CASE” there was mention of 78 persons as public witnesses.

18. After submission of the Charge Sheet some more arrests were made.

19. During the running of the trial at Burdwan, the advocate Bhabadish Roy defending the accused, Freedom Fighter Shibshankar Chowdhury (Kalo Da), Purnananda Batabyal, Pancha Bagdi, Ram Mudi, Arun Devbhuti, Nitya Paul, Anwar, Brinta (Bagha), Arun Dutta, Shanti Bhanja and many other CPI (M) leaders & cadres were killed by criminals of Congress Party in Burdwan Town. A total reign of terror was created by the Congress hoodlums and butchers in connivance with Superintendent of Police Panchu Gopal Mukherjee and other police officials in the town.

20. Most of the CPI (M) leaders and cadres living in Burdwan town had fled and took shelter elsewhere.

21. The accused persons, therefore, made a prayer before the Sessions Judge, Burdwan for the transfer of the case outside the Burdwan town on safety and security reasons.

22. The Learned Sessions judge rejected the prayer of the accused persons.

23. Thereafter the accused persons moved the Hon'ble High Court, Calcutta. On 21.2.71 the Hon'ble High Court transferred the case to Alipore and the S.D.J.M Alipore committed the case to the court of Sessions on 13.6.74.

24. Some of the accused persons died in the meantime and some were absconding. So, the Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge Gitesh Ranjan Bhattacharjee framed Charges against 83 accused persons on 13.8.77 including Benoy Konar, Dilip Dubey, Ramnarayan Goswami, Ashok Bhusan Chakraborty, Mridul Sen, Sukanta Konar, Nirupam Sen, Rajat Banerjee, Amiya Saha, Swapan Banerjee under sections 148/149/302/149/436 of IPC and read out their names. All the accused persons pleaded innocence.

25. The names of Amal Haldar and Manik Roy were mentioned neither in the original FIR nor in the charge sheet framed by The Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge on 13-08-1977.

26. In the meantime, the Left Front Government came to power on 21st June, 1977. Immediately after installation, it declared the following policies on the basis of “Forgive and Forget”:

a. No revenge will be taken against those criminals and murderers of the Congress Party who had butchered more than 1200 CPI (M) leaders and cadres in West Bengal between 1971 and1977 and created a reign of terror during this period.

b. All political prisoners irrespective of affiliation would be released unconditionally.

27. On 20.9.77 the Learned Public Prosecutor, therefore, filed an application u/s 321 Cr.P.C seeking the court's consent for withdrawal from the prosecution of the accused persons.

28. On 30-09-1977 Shri Gitesh Ranjan Bhattacharjee heard the case and ordered to withdraw cases against only 4 accused persons.

29. All the other accused persons appealed to the Calcutta High Court. Maintaining the order of 30-09-1977 the Calcutta High Courted directed the State Government to submit afresh a petition before the Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge for withdrawal of the case. Shri Asit Ganguly defended the accused persons.

30. On 29-11-1977 the Public Prosecutor filed an application afresh u/s 321 Cr.P.C before the Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge for withdrawal from the prosecution of the accused persons with the consent of the court on following grounds.

a. There was an occurrence on the relevant date and relevant time in the house of the Sains, but the accused persons did not participate in that occurrence. That most of the accused belonged to one political party and most of the witnesses belonged to a rival political party, and that the accused persons had been falsely implicated in the case. That the investigation had not been fair and impartial and that the rival political party directed the course of the investigation and the evidence collected by the investigation agency was grossly tainted.

b. As two major political parties were involved in the case, if instant prosecution was carried to its logical end, it is almost certain that feelings or acrimony and hatred would be engineered between the local workers of the said two political parties, and that the current (then) situation in Burdwan town is quite peaceful and the trial is bound to disturb the peaceful atmosphere that is prevailing in the town.

c. The then State government (of the Left Front) had effected a policy of "Forgive and Forget" which was directed at putting an end to all political and ideological bitterness of the past.

d. The entire trial is based on the FIR lodged by one Dilip Bhattacharjee. But he himself has declared in writing that he did not know who had committed the murder. He was not a witness to the incident. He had neither written the statement of the FIR nor did he himself submit the same to the concerned police station. The FIR was drafted by the District Congress President Nurul Islam. He had put his signature on the same without going through it. Mr. Islam himself had also submitted it to the police station. The written declaration of Shri Bhattacharjee was enclosed marked Annex-A.

Witness No. 43 Itika Dutta of Suratmahal Lane of Town Hall Para of Burdwan had submitted in writing that during the incident on 17-03-1977 she was out of Burdwan. The Investigating Officer had manufactured a false statement under section 161 Cr.Pc. without meeting her.

The brother of two slain Sain brothers Bijoy Sain submitted in writing that along with two others he was confined to a room during the incident and so did not know what actually had happened.

Bijoy Sain, his sister Swarnalata Josh and brother-in-law Amalkanta Josh had in writing pleaded for withdrawal of the case in view of the prevailing peaceful atmosphere in the town.

e. The Investigating Officer had recorded the statement of Swapan Mukherjee on 08-04-1970, Nurul Islam on 08-04-1970 and Bijoyesh Ganguly on 23-04-1970 as witnesses to the incident but surprisingly their names were not mentioned in the original FIR. Even they had not put their signature on the FIR as witnesses.

The Public Prosecutor submitted that on the basis of such weak documentary evidences and witnesses, it was not possible for him to continue the case against so many people. So, he wanted to withdraw the case.

In the meantime, Hon’ble Judge Gitesh Ranjan Bhattacharjee got transferred to the Calcutta High Court as its judge. So, the Additional Sessions Judge R.K. Kar examined the grounds of withdrawal by looking at similar judicial precedents and on the basis of principles laid down by the Supreme Court in considering such grounds observed that:

a. There was a case of recantation of testimony by the person who filed the FIR.

b. He was unsure of the numbers mentioned in the charge sheet and that following the incident.

c. Leaders of the rival political party had colluded with the investigating officer in getting statements recorded from various witnesses.

d. There were several discrepancies with the statements given by the witnesses.

e. The manner the FIR was filed and in the way the investigation was done.

f. These facts and circumstances supported the Public Prosecutor's submission.

g. The investigation had not been impartial.

h. He would not be able to lead cogent and convincing evidence to warrant a conviction of the accused was not without basis.

i. The general political atmosphere in Burdwan Town at that time, featuring political murders and attacks on rival political parties, the general inaction of the police during the incident - either to halt the miscreants' attack on the Sain house as a retaliation to an alleged bomb attack on them or to apprehend them after the incident.

j. Other precedents on incidents arising out of rivalry between different associations and dismissal of charges owing to the need to continue to maintain harmony post such incidents.

k. In the light of prevalence of relative calm and peace eight years since the Sainbari incident, the judge mentioned that the Public Prosecutor's submission of withdrawal on such grounds deserved consideration.

l. However on the third ground of the Left Front government's policy of "forgive and forget", the judge clearly mentioned that "the policy of Government is no consideration for giving consent for withdrawal" citing other precedents.

m. In sum, the judge considered the other grounds enough to not find sufficient reason to withhold consent for withdrawal. Thus, the 83 accused persons were acquitted of the offences under Cr. PC section 321(b) passing the following order on 06-05-1978.

“CHARGES HAVING BEEN FRAMED AGAINST ACCUSED PERSONS OF THE INSTANT SESSION TRIAL CASE THEY ARE, THEREFORE, ACQUITTED OF THE OFFENCES UNDER SECTION 321 (b) CR.PC.”

If anyone goes minutely through the proceedings of the court, he will come across the following facts.

The "convicts" went on appeal against their "sentence" to the High Court and that eventually they were released on "parole" are thus completely false and flows from the rather flowing imagination of the said author.

It also appears very clearly that the numbers 8 and 17 are discretely chosen to make a scurrilous point.

Amal Haldar's name for example is not part of the 83 accused in the "State vs Ajit Mukherjee..." case.

· How could someone who has not been convicted appeal for "parole"?

· And from where did Bandyopadhyay make his claim that eight persons were convicted and sentenced to "life imprisonment"?

· And why would anyone who has not been "convicted" appeal to the Supreme Court to overturn a judgment of "conviction" if that never happened?

· These are questions that deserve legitimate answers from the obviously deranged former bureaucrat.

· That Bandyopadhyay's later assertions on the CPI (M) using its "power" to grant "parole" to the "convicted" and that the records of the case archive were destroyed are nonsense is proved from the "State vs Ajit Mukherjee..." case records.

· Curiously, Bandyopadhyay also makes other assertions that the Registrar General, Calcutta High Court had "shockingly" reported to the Supreme Court that the High Court had no paper relating to the Sainbari case, when no appeal to the non-existing conviction was ever filed in the High Court!

· The author continues in his nonsensical vein claiming that the "CPI (M) government had granted unconditional and unlimited parole" and hopes that the "Supreme Court gave an order revoking the parole of the convicts".

· It is mentioned in the article that one Joydeep Mukherjee has filed a writ petition before the Supreme Court to find out how the "convicts" have been "enjoying unrestricted and unconditional parole for the last 32 years".

· As established before, these are all false premises and one wonders how the Supreme Court could admit the petition which is certainly a false affidavit - a sure case of contempt of Court.

In fact, the order in the "State vs Ajit Mukherjee and 83 others case" - passed by the Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge, Alipore dated 30 September 1977 and another dated 6 May 1978 - eventually acquitted the 83 accused persons from the charges framed against them.

So, the entire contention of the article written by D. Bandyopadhyay is concocted, manufactured and distorted. It is nothing but a fairy tale and nonsense. It is completely false and flows from the rather flowing imagination of the said author.

The deranged writer D. Bandyopadhyay is a trusted advisor of the leader of the chief party in the opposition in the state is a testament to the state of affairs that exists in the anti-Left Front alliance in West Bengal.

Considering the track record of the leader in question - in the sheer mindlessness, in the nonsensical obstructionism, in the poverty of logic and reason in the Trinamul's politics, it is not a surprise that she keeps such abominable company to advise her. He and other perverts are the “Think Tank” of Mamata Banerjee. It can be easily realized how they are going to destroy the future of West Bengal.

The perverted former bureaucrat D. Bandyopadhyay is the most appropriate successor of “Goebles and Hitler”. If both of them were alive, they would have hung their heads in shame watching their successor surpassing their limits of distortion of facts and perversions. The use of most derogatory words such as “convict on parole”, “public menace”, "killer convicts” “black mamba” “Khokan Sen”, “District level operator” "nasty killer" etc. by this uncultured former bureaucrat speaks of his unsound mind and manner of his bringing up.

It is, therefore, expected that the Supreme Court of India takes drastic steps against the perverted Maoist intellectual D. Bandyopadhyay for distortion of court proceedings and against Joydeep Mukherjee for filing a false affidavit before the Apex Court.
As a matter of fact, the free roaming of these types of perverts and deranged intellectuals is not only dangerous for the society but also for the country.

A section of print media in West Bengal such as “The Statesman”, “Dainik Bartaman”, “Ananda Bazar Patrika”, “Dainik Pratidin”, Dainik Sangbad”, “Mainstream”, “Dainik Ekdin” “The Telegraph” have been emitting venom against the CPI (M), its leaders and the Left Front Government in West Bengal. These print media on the pay roll of finance capital and imperialists are bent upon maligning and weakening the working class and democratic movement in the country. A few perverted anti-national insane intellectuals use these media for suiting their political agenda. The former IAS bureaucrat D. Bandyopadhyay is one of them.

“DAINIK PRATIDIN” TURNS INTO A POLITICAL TOOL AND CAMPAIGNER OF IMPERIALIST FUNDED RAINBOW ALLIANCE OF MAOIST-TMC-CONGRESS-SUCI UNDER MAMATA BANERJEE

A section of print media in West Bengal such as “The Statesman”, “Dainik Bartaman”, “Ananda Bazar Patrika”, “Dainik Pratidin”, Dainik Sangbad”, “Mainstream”, “Dainik Ekdin” “The Telegraph” have been emitting venom against the CPI (M), its leaders and the Left Front Government in West Bengal. These print media on the pay roll of finance capital and imperialists are bent upon maligning and weakening the working class and democratic movement in the country. A few perverted anti-national intellectuals use these media for suiting their political agenda.

The following article published in the “People’s Democracy” dated 10-01-2010 proves how the perverted, impotent, insane terrorist , fraud Maoist intellectual and former IAS bureaucrat D. Bandyopadhyay misuses the media to serve the finance capital and imperialists.

“D BANDYOPADHYAY, a former secretary of revenue and erstwhile secretary of rural development in the government of India, fills an entire article with slander in a recent piece titled, "Citizens Beware! Killer Convicts at Large!" in the Mainstream magazine dated December 4-10, 2009. What is surprising is that there is total lack of editorial due diligence in publishing this malicious piece written by the former bureaucrat, whose motive is clear - demonising serving ministers and senior leaders of the ruling Communist Party of India (Marxist) - CPI (M) in West Bengal. The context that provides the author to make such a willful character assassination and deliberate falsification of facts is the Sainbari incident in March 1970, where two brothers - sympathisers of the Congress party were killed.

These murders were made the pretext to falsely implicate the entire leadership of the CPI (M) in Burdwan district. It must be noted that this was done when West Bengal was under President's rule and the Congress party was going all out to target the CPI (M) and its cadres.

A SPURIOUS PREMISE

The premise of Bandyopadhyay's article is that 17 of the miscreants who were responsible for the murder of the Sain brothers - the author does not care to mention their names - Pronob and Moloy Sain - were named as "accused" and eight of them, were "convicted" and life imprisonment was imposed upon them by the District and Sessions Judge of Burdwan in 1971. Of the eight thus convicted- he names Benoy Konar (who is current Central Committee member of the CPI [M]), Politburo Member and West Bengal industries minister Nirupam Sen, Manik Roy (mentioned as "absconding"), Amal Haldar and Paltoo Bandyopadhyay.

Bandyopadhyay also asserts that the "convicts went on appeal before the Calcutta High Court twice. On both occasions their appeal was rejected." He then goes on to say that the convicts did not "curiously" prefer to appeal before the Supreme Court and instead "waited for an opportunity to get them out of the prison by foul means". Later, when the CPI (M) came to power, "all the convicts of the Sai murder case were released on "parole"". Bandyopadhyay's premise is that the "convicts" were released on "parole" by political means, after getting to "power". He then makes a further assertion that the "records of the case" were "pilfered" from the "archives of the Calcutta High Court through their [the CPI (M)'s] committed members of the "Coordination Committee" among the employees of the High Court".

Thus framing his case for the article's headline that "killer convicts are at large", Bandyopadhyay then goes on to construct an elaborate pack of cards bringing the Singur and Nandigram "incidents" into the picture as he makes scurrilous after scandalous claim about the persons in question.

HOW THE PREMISE IS FALSE

A cursory look at the facts at hand would be enough to dismiss Bandyopadhyay's entire article as a pack of lies, wrapped in a monument of malice intended to deliberately attack whom he perceives as his political enemy (Bandyopadhyay's current political inclinations are well known - he is an advisor to the maverick and obstructionist Trinamul Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee).

Firstly, Bandyopadhyay gets it wrong about the procedural cases since the incident. As the case order of the "State v Ajit Mukherjee and 83 others" also known as the "Sainbari case" in the court of the 3rd Additional Sessions Judge (Shri R K Kar), Alipore points out clearly –

"On 17.3.70 at 12:30 PM, one Dilip Kumar Bhattacharya lodged an FIR at Burdwan Police Station...".

"On the basis of the said FIR the Burdwan Police Station started P.S Case no 50 dt. 17.3.70 and took up investigation of the case. After completion of the investigation the police submitted a chargesheet against 111 persons on 8.2.71 under various sections of the Penal code including sections 148, 149/302 and 149/436 I.P.C. before the S.D.J.M Burdwan. "..

"the accd. persons made a prayer before the Sessions Judge, Burdwan for the transfer of the case outside the Burdwan town".

"The ld. Sessions judge rejected the prayer of the accd. persons and so they moved the Hon'ble High Court. On 21.2.71 the Hon'ble High Court transferred the case to Alipore and the S.D.J.M Alipore committed the case to the court of Sessions on 13.6.74."

"Charges were framed against the accd. persons on 13.8.77 and on 20.9.77, the ld. Public Prosecutor filed an application u/s 321 Cr.P.C seeking the court's consent for withdrawal from the prosecution of the accd. persons".

The order in the "State vs Ajit Mukherjee and 83 others case" - passed by the Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge, Alipore dated 30 September 1977 and another dated 6 May 1978 - eventually acquitted the 83 accused persons from the charges framed against them. But we are going ahead of the story. As the case records points out, the Bandyopadhyay claim that "eight" of the "17 accused" were convicted and "life imprisonment" was imposed upon them is a fairy tale. Whatever follows - that the "convicts" went on appeal against their "sentence" to the High Court and that eventually they were released on "parole" are thus completely false and flows from the rather flowing imagination of the said author. It also appears very clearly that the numbers 8 and 17 are discretely chosen to make a scurrilous point. Amal Haldar's name for example is not part of the 83 accused in the "State vs Ajit Mukherjee..." case.

How could someone who has not been convicted appeal for "parole"? And from where did Bandyopadhyay make his claim that eight persons were convicted and sentenced to "life imprisonment"? And why would anyone who has not been "convicted" appeal to the Supreme Court to overturn a judgement of "conviction" if that never happened? These are questions that deserve legitimate answers from the obviously deranged former bureaucrat.

That Bandyopadhyay's later assertions on the CPI (M) using its "power" to grant "parole" to the "convicted" and that the records of the case archive were destroyed are nonsense is proved from the "State vs Ajit Mukherjee..." case records. Curiously, Bandyopadhyay also makes other assertions that the Registrar General, Calcutta High Court had "shockingly" reported to the Supreme Court that the High Court had no paper relating to the Sainbari case, when no appeal to the non-existing conviction was ever filed in the High Court! The author continues in his nonsensical vein claiming that the "CPI (M) government had granted unconditional and unlimited parole" and hopes that the "Supreme Court gave an order revoking the parole of the convicts". It is mentioned in the article that one Joydeep Mukherjee has filed a writ petition before the Supreme Court to find out how the "convicts" have been "enjoying unrestricted and unconditional parole for the last 32 years". As established before, these are all false premises and one wonders how the Supreme Court could admit the petition which is certainly a false affidavit - a sure case of contempt of Court.

So what essentially is the truth about the trials that followed the Sainbari murder incidents? We should again take recourse to the same "State vs Ajit Mukherjee.." case order. Here is the timeline as events happened.

FACTS OF THE CASE AND ORDER

Following the transfer of the case to the Sessions court on 13.6.74, "Charges with Five Heads" were filed against 83 people, seven of whom are mentioned by Bandyopadhyay. The charges were that the 83 mentioned in the chargesheet were part of "about 1500" people engaging in "unlawful assembly" at Protapswar Sibtala, Burdwan and accused of participating in the murder of Malay Sain, his brother Pranab Sen and family tutor Jiten Roy, in rioting and looting and setting the house on fire etc.

The case order in "State vs Ajit Mukherjee.." dismissed the charges. It heard out a statement by the Public Prosecutor who had filed an application u/s 321 Cr.P.C for withdrawal from the prosecution of the accused persons with the consent of the court, on following grounds -

·The Public Prosecutor stated that he is convinced that there was an occurence on the relevant date and relevant time in the house of the Sains, but the accused persons did not participate in that occurence. That most of the accused belonged to one political party and most of the witnesses belonged to a rival political party, and that the accused persons had been falsely implicated in the case. That the investigation had not been fair and impartial and that the rival political party directed the course of the investigation and the evidence collected by the investigation agency was grossly tainted.

·That, as two major political parties were involved in the case, if instant prosecution was carried to its logical end, it is almost certain that feelings or acrimony and hatred would be engineered between the local workers of the said two political parties, and that the current (then) situation in Burdwan town is quite peaceful and the trial is bound to disturb the peaceful atmosphere that is prevailing in the town.

·That, the then State government (of the Left Front) had effected a policy of "Forgive and Forget" which was directed at putting an end to all political and ideological bitterness of the past.

The judge in his order, examined the grounds of withdrawal by looking at similar judicial precedents and on the basis of principles laid down by the Supreme Court in considering such grounds.

Vis-a-vis the first ground, the judge observed that there was a case of recantation of testimony by the person who filed the FIR; that he was unsure of the numbers mentioned in the chargesheet and that following the incident, leaders of the rival political party had colluded with the investigating officer in getting statements recorded from various witnesses. There were several discrepancies with the statements given by the witnesses, in the manner the FIR was filed and in the way the investigation was done. These facts and circumstances supported the Public Prosecutor's submission that the investigation had not been impartial and that he would not be able to lead cogent and convincing evidence to warrant a conviction of the accused was not without basis.

Plus the general political atmosphere in Burdwan Town at that time, featuring political murders and attacks on rival political parties, the general inaction of the police during the incident - either to halt the miscreants' attack on the Sain house as a retaliation to an alleged bomb attack on them or to apprehend them after the incident. The judge also referred to other precedents on incidents arising out of rivalry between different associations and dismissal of charges owing to the need to continue to maintain harmony post such incidents. In the light of prevalence of relative calm and peace eight years since the Sainbari incident, the judge mentions that the Public Prosecutor's submission of withdrawal on such grounds deserved consideration.

However on the third ground of the Left Front government's policy of "forgive and forget", the judge clearly mentions that "the policy of Government is no consideration for giving consent for withdrawal" citing other precedents.

In sum, the judge considered the other two grounds enough to not find sufficient reason to withhold consent for withdrawal. Thus, the accused were acquitted of the offences under Cr.PC section 321(b). All these facts and details are available in the court order.

Coming back to Bandyopadhyay's article, it is clear that the article was written to throw mud on CPI (M) functionaries by building a monument of falsehood about "conviction", "release on parole" and "destruction of records". In doing so and by using expressions such as "black mamba", "killer convicts", "nasty killer" to describe a serving and elected minister and other public functionaries, the author only further sullies his already discredited image. What is striking is the absolute lack of editorial due diligence as well on this article. Any editor worth her/his salt would have taken pains to check the veracity of the claims as well as been tempted to use editorial standards to vet some of the abominable language used. But alas, so consumed is the editor in buying the spurious monument of lies, there is none of that necessary editorial work.

That this deranged writer is a trusted advisor of the leader of the chief party in the opposition in the state is a testament to the state of affairs that exists in the anti-Left Front alliance in West Bengal. Considering the track record of the leader in question - in the sheer mindlessness, in the nonsensical obstructionism, in the poverty of logic and reason in the Trinamul's politics, it is not a surprise that she keeps such abominable company to advise her.

By Sakshi Sen”

Source: pd.cpim.org

WHY PARLIAMENT MEMBER SULTAN AHMED SILENT ON MAOIST BRUTALITIES IN WEST BENGAL?

PERVERTED MAOIST-TMC BUTCHERS MURDERED BRUTALLY A DAILY WAGE EARNER BANESWAR MURMU, A TRIBAL, ON 09-09-2009 AT SARENGA IN BANKURA DISTRICT OF WEST BENGAL.

WHAT DO ARUNDHATI DEVI, MEDHA PATKAR, MAHASWETA DEVI AND OTHER INTELLECTUALS HAVING SOFT CORNER, COMPASSION, AFFECTION AND ADMIRATION FOR MAOISTS SAY?

PRO-NAXALITE-MAOIST MEDHA PATKAR HECKLED BY TRIBALS FOR HER ADVOCACY FOR MAOIST BUTCHERS

TIMES OF INDIA: 08-01-2010
Suchandana Gupta/TNN

Bhopal: Tribals angry with activists fighting for human rights of Naxalites, while ignoring poor adivasis – threw rotten eggs and tomatoes at Magsaysay award winner Medha Patkar and Sandeep Pandey as they reached Dantewada town in Chattisgarh on Wednesday.

While Patkar, being a woman, did not face much humiliation, her companion Pandey was pulled down from a motorcycle and given a hiding. He was pushed around and asked why activists had done nothing for the tribals, but found cause to support Maoists.

Patkar, who leads the Narmada Bachao Andolan, and Pandey, who founded Asha for education, were on their way to participate in a jan sunwai (people’s court) in the Naxalite-hit areas on Thursday.

Patkar and Pandey were on a bike when the tribals carrying banners of “Maa Danteswari Adivasi Swabhiman Manch” surrounded them asking them to go back.

Shouting slogans like “Wapas jao, wapas jao (Go back), the tribals said NGOs “support Maoists under the pretext of human rights”.

Police resorted to lathicharge to rescue Patkar and Pandey. Dantewada SP Ambreesh Mishra, however, said the two should have been more careful…………..

DISCRIMINATION ON THE PART OF PSEUDO INDIAN INTELLECTUALS

The following letter has been sent to the Hon’ble Chairperson, National Human Rights Commission, New Delhi by E-mail


07-01-2010

To
The Chairperson
National Human Rights Commission
New Delhi

SUB: NHRC SILENT OVER VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS BY THE MAOISTS WEST BENGAL

Most respected Sir,

As an ordinary humble citizen of the country, I would like to invite your immediate attention to the following fact.

The National Human Rights Commission was very much active during the episodes of Nandigram, Singur and Rizwanur Rahaman. But it is unfortunately maintaining complete silence over gruesome murders committed by the Maoists in West Bengal.

In this connection, it would not be out of place to mention that Arundhati Roy, Mahasweta Devi, Medha Patkar, actress Aparna Sen and other intellectuals and human right activists sharing same opinion and boat are very much apprehensive and worried for the safety and security of the Maoists in India, who have been carrying on their nefarious and criminal inhuman brutalities on the common people ranging from amassing huge wealth, destruction of natural resources, plunder, rape, murder, extortion, blowing up schools, health centres, railway tracks, torture and Kangaroo trial using the indigenous people as pawns and human shields. Out of her utter sympathy and compassion for the Maoist butchers, social activist Arundhati Roy has initiated a mass petition on 12th October 2009 to the Prime Minister of India urging him to stop offensive against them and their brutalities. She has obtained the signatures of respected Noam Chomsky and other renowned dignitaries within the country and abroad to make the petition more acceptable, significant and weighty in order to glorify and justify the Maoist cruelties and violence particularly on the indigenous people. If Arundhati Roy and other signatories were really interested for the well being of the indigenous people, they would have also petitioned openly to the perverted Maoist butchers in the same manner, style and spirit urging them to desist from wreaking havoc on the indigenous people by using them as pawn and shield for suiting the tainted Maoist political agenda. But it is not so. The one and only one aim and objective of the petition is to create sympathy for the Maoists and justify, glorify and legitimize their mindless brutalities.

The society demands timely disposal of the dead body of even a creature. But the entire world witnessed with horror how the dead bodies of 4 poor tribal CPI (M) cadres butchered by Maoist-TMC-Congress-SUCI Alliance were kept in open for 5 days without allowing disposal by the Maoist-TMC criminals at Lalgarh in West Bengal. Their relatives were neither allowed to come near nor touch the bodies. The Maoists and TMC workers danced and sang around the bodies in the same manner as is practiced by cannibals. Their brutality and inhumanity surpassed all limits of human tolerance and society.

These Indian intellectuals and human right activists had played an important role during Nandigram and Singur episodes to extend moral and logical support to the rainbow alliance of TMC, Congress, Maoists and SUCI under Mamata Banerjee. They had unleashed widespread virulent, venomous, exaggerated and politically motivated campaign throughout the world and organised processions, rallies, meetings, and mass signatures and so on against the mainstream Leftists over the unfortunate death of 14 persons in Nandigram resulting from provoked police firing where as they maintain complete silence over regular murders committed by the Maoists. Many of them had directly or indirectly worked actively for the victory of Maoist and Mamata Banerjee supported Congress-TMC-SUCI candidates in West Bengal in the last Parliamentary elections held in May 2009 making the Nandigram, Singur and Rizwanur Rahaman episodes as important election issues.

Despite this, these Indian intellectuals all along shamelessly pretend to be impartial, neutral and non-political.

More than 87% landowners had consented to offer their land for the establishment of an automobile factory at Singur. But it was abandoned due to the political agitation of Mamata Banerjee and her team consisting of opposition political parties, Maoists, some intellectuals, few human right activists and a section of motivated media. Singur had nothing to do with SEZ.

Similarly, in spite of repeated assurances by the Chief Minister of West Bengal that no chemical hub would be set up at Nandigram, Mamata Banerjee and her team had caused the unfortunate incident on 14th March 2007 by way of utter provocation and manipulation resulting in 14 unfortunate deaths.

Had these intellectuals been impartial, unprejudiced and unbiased the incidents of neither Singur nor Nandigram would have taken place.

The Maoist-TMC-Congress-SUCI butchers under the leadership of the Union Railway Minister have murdered brutally hundreds of CPI (M) and other Leftist leaders, cadres and supporters in West Bengal. They have blown up school buildings, health centres, mobile towers, railway lines, railways stations and what not. But these intellectuals and human right activists are maintaining complete silence. They think that only the Maoists are human beings. Except the Maoists, none in the country can have any human rights and the murder of hundreds of people by Maoists is, therefore, justified and a need for the society. So, they have not yet uttered even a single word to condemn the crimes of the Maoists.

Every murder is unfortunate and condemnable. Had this group of intellectuals and human right activists played an impartial role and stopped lending moral and logical support to the Maoist butchers, the unfortunate deaths at Nandigram and other parts of the country could have been avoided easily. But the fact was that Mamata Banerjee and her rainbow alliance needed some dead bodies for winning the parliamentary elections in West Bengal riding over sympathy wave and the intellectuals and human rights activists presented the same in time to suit her political agenda.

The National Human Rights Commission had taken Nandigram, Singur and Rizwanur Rahaman episodes very seriously and sent fact-finding teams to West Bengal. This action on the part of NHRC received wide coverage in the media at that time. But today it is also completely silent over the murders committed by the Maoists in West Bengal and other parts of the country. As a result, this has raised many a questions in the minds of the people.

LIST OF INNOCENT PEOPLE MURDERED BY MAOIST-TMC-CONGRESS-SUCI BUTCHERS AND RAPISTS IN WEST BENGAL FROM 01-12-2009 TO 04-01-2010 IS PLACED BELOW.

No. Name of the victim, Address of the victim, Date of murder

1 Ramjan Mallik, Garbeta, Medinipur (W), 23-01-01
2 Tapan Ghosh, Garbeta, Medinipur (W), 08-04-01
3 Shibaram Satpathi, Sarenga, Bankura, 10-04-01
4 Sudhir Singh Sardar, Banspahari, Medinipur (W), 28-11-01
5 Anil Mahato, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 04-02-02
6 Rampada Majhi, Ranibandh, Bankura, 11-02-02
7 Puntibala Mahato, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 31-05-02
8 Icchhamati Mahato, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 31-05-02
9 Priyanka Mahato (4yrs), Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 31-05-02
10 Ajit Ghosh, Goaltore, Medinipur (W), 09-07-02
11 Golap Mallik, Garbeta, Medinipur (W), 24-04-03
12 Baridbaran Mondal, Banspahari, Medinipur (W) 21-10-03
13 Asit Santra, Goaltore, Medinipur (W), 02-03-04
14 Mahendra Mahato, Bandowan, Purulia, 09-07-05
15 Raghunath Murmu, Barikul, Bankura, 09-07-05
16 Bablu Mudi, Barikul, Bankura, 09-07-05
17 Rabindranath Kar, Bandowan, Bankura, 30-12-05
18 Anandamayi Kar, Bandowan, Bankura, 30-12-05
19 Kartik Singh, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 04-03-06
20 Gatilal Tudu, Barikul, Bankura, 04-03-06
21 Gumai Murmu, Belpahari, Medinipur (W), 08-03-06
22 Jaladhar Mahato, Belpahari, Medinipur (W), 08-03-06
23 Rabi Das, Belpahari, Medinipur (W), 14-06-06
24 Snehashis Das, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 26-05-06
25 Uttam Sardar, Chandpur, Nadia, 19-06-06
26 Swapan Sardar, Chandpur, Nadia, 19-06-06
27 Anil Mahato, Shilda, Medinipur (W), 19-09-06
28 Dinesh Baske, Shilda, Medinipur (W), 19-09-09
29 Pailaram Tudu, Banspahari, Medinipur (W), 09-01-07
30 Rampada Singh, Belpahari, Medinipur (W), 30-03-07
31 Parikshit Singh, Belpahari, Medinipur (W), 30-03-07
32 Manik Mahato, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 27-05-07
33 Rohit Roy, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 10-07-07
34 Bhagirath Karmakar, Barabazar, Purulia, 01-11-07
35 Sufal Mandi, Purulia, Purulia, 20-11-07
36 Govind Singh, Banspahari, Medinipur (W), 06-12-07
37 Sisir Chatterjee, Mangalkote, Burdwan, 01-01-08
38 Pahalan Kumar, Balarampur, Purulia, 01-01-08
39 Ramprasad Mondal, Chapra, Nadia, 02-01-08
40 Mangal Mahato, Banspahari, Medinipur (W), 15-02-08
41 Karam Chand Singh, Belpahari, 22-02-08
42 Subhash Mahato, Belpahari, Medinipur (W), 29-02-08
43 Budhadeb Pathak, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 09-03-08
44 Mukul Tiwari, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 13-04-08
45 Jugol Murmu, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 13-04-08
46 Nabakumar Murmu, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 13-04-08
47 Kshetrapal Majhi, Arsha, Purulia, 19-04-08
48 Sridam Das, Khoirashole, Birbhum, 22-04-08
49 Ganapati Bhadra, Bandowan, Purulia, 04-05-08
50 Debraj Hembram, Balarampur, Purulia, 05-05-08
51 Biswanath Mandi, Goaltore, Medinipur (W), 15-06-08
52 Niranjan Mondal, Nandigram, Medinipur (E), 06-08-08
53 Dulal Garu Das, Garupara, Medinipur (E), 07-08-08
54 Firoj Mondal, Chakdah, Nadia, 01-09-08
55 Satyanarayan Ganguli, Dubrajpur, Birbhum, 05-09-08
56 Sunil Halsana, Chakdah, Nadia, 16-09-08
57 Mansoor Alam, Goalpokhar, Dinajpur (N), 17-09-08
58 Nandalal Mistri, Rajnagar, Birbhum, 22-09-08
59 Amar Ghugu, Patrasayar, Bankura, 04-10-08
60 Prodyut Maiti (Naru), Khejuri, Midnapur (E), 10-10-08
61 Mahidul Seikh, Harirampur, Dinajpur (S), 14-10-08
62 Alauddin Molla, Haroa, 24, Parganas (N), 20-10-08
63 Kutub Mondal, Galsi, Burdwan, 21-10-08
64 Satyajit Mondal, Karanjora, Bankura, 22-10-08
65 Debi Prasad Singh, Ausgram, Burdwan, 24-10-08
66 Shankar Rauth, Canning, 24, Parganas (S), 27-10-08
67 Indrajit Muda, Banspahari, Midnapur (W), 31-10-08
68 Seikh Sanai, Khoirashole, Birbhum, 04-11-08
69 Mrinal Sarkar, Nakasipara, Nadia, 05-11-08
70 Namita Sarkar, Nakasipara, Nadia, 05-11-08
71 Mazid Seikh, Baharampur, Murshidabad, 12-11-08
72 Panu Bouri, Patrasayar, Bankura, 14-11-08
73 Sheetkantha Mondal, Kandi, Murshidabad, 21-11-08
74 Mostaque Ahmad, Bolepur, Birbhum, 21-11-08
75 Qurban Seikh, Mayureswar, Birbhum, 11-12-08
76 Gaja Mohammad, Islampur, Dinajpur (N), 13-12-08
77 Uttam Roy, Jangipara, Hooghly, 16-12-08
78 Arshad Ali, Dalkhola, Dinajpur (N), 23-12-08
79 Dilip Manna, Purshura, Hooghly, 23-12-08
80 Dasrathi Ghosh, Bhatar, Burdwan, 12-01-09
81 Shamsur Alam Mallick, Indas, Bankura, 16-01-09
82 Motibur Rahaman, Kushmundi, Dinajpur (S), 26-01-09
83 Sujit Dasgupta, Dumdum, 24, Parganas (N), 27-01-09
84 Sambhu Dasgupta, Dumdum, 24, Parganas (N), 27-01-09
85 Nandalal Pal, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 01-02-09
86 Haradhan Majhi, Balarampur, Purulia, 03-02-09
87 Biswanath Digar, Ranibandh, Bankura, 08-02-09
88 Sujit Ponda, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 13-02-09
89 Nurul Islam Dewan, Raina, Burdwan, 22-02-09
90 Jharna Mandi, Dhaniakhali, Hooghly, 26-02-09
91 Sumana Mandi, Dhaniakhali, Hooghly, 26-02-09
92 Tapas Mondal, Naihati, 24, Parganas (N), 03-03-09
93 Saiyad Ali Bhuiyan, Jaipur, Bankura, 11-03-09
94 Subol Kajli, Khejuri, Midnapur (E), 14-03-09
95 Subodh Barik, Mugberia, Midnapur (E), 15-03-09
96 Ansar Ali, Gangarampur, Dinajpur (S), 17-03-09
97 Himadri Patra, Boga, Midnapur (E), 17-03-09
98 Gopal Mondal, Beharampur, Murshidabad, 18-03-09
99 Soharab Ali Dewan, Raina, Burdwan, 18-03-09
100 Durga Deshwal, Bhulabheda, Midnapur (W), 18-03-09
101 Santosh Mahato, Bhulabheda, Midnapur (W), 18-03-09
102 Bijay Shaw, Titagarh, 24, Parganas (N), 18-03-09
103 Kanai Kumar, Arsha, Purulia, 28-03-09
104 Ganesh Das, Bhagwanpur, Midnapur (E), 28-03-09
105 Ashim Mondal, Bahulabheda, Midnapur (W), 10-04-09
106 Hambir Mandi, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 21-04-09
107 Shakti Sen, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 21-04-09
108 Gopinath Murmu, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 22-04-09
109 Baikunth Mahato, Supurdihgram, Purulia, 23-04-09
110 Bibhuti Singh Sardar, SD Gram, Purulia , 23-04-09
111 Bhaben Dig, Haripal, Hooghly, 27-04-09
112 Manowar Hossain Jamadar, Amta, Howrah, 07-05-09
113 Kashinath Mondal, Jangipur, Murshidabad, 07-05-09
114 Chandu Dolui, Bagnan, Howrah, 08-05-09
115 Seikh Saidul, Bagnan, Howrah, 08-05-09
116 Seikh Babua, Bagnan, Howrah, 08-05-09
117 Seikh Aksar, Nandigram, Midnapur (E), 09-05-09
118 Abdullah Khan, Nandigram, Midnapur (E), 09-05-09
119 Mahiuddin Khan, Tamluk, Midnapur (E), 10-05-09
120 Joynal Molla, Canning, 24, Parganas (S), 13-05-09
121 Manu Singh, Bandowan, Purulia, 15-05-09
122 Momtaj Seikh, Raninagar, Murshidabad, 16-05-09
123 Arvind Mondal, Chari Antapur, Maldah, 17-05-09
124 Bibek Barman, Goksadanga, Coochbihar, 19-05-09
125 Kartik Mohaladar, Ratua, Maldah, 22-05-09
126 Dinesh Mahato, Balarmpur, Purulia, 23-05-09
127 Manoranjan Naskar, Bishnpur, 24, Pgs. (S), 23-05-09
128 Santosh Barman, Nandigram, Midnapur (E), 25-05-09
129 Bhondulal Munda, Jhalda, Purulia,, 25-05-09
130 Apurba Ghosh, Krishnanagar, Nadia, 28-05-09
131 Nuruddin Seikh, Rampurhat, Birbhum, 31-05-09
132 Sayantika Rakhit, BN Nagar, Midnapur (E), 01-06-09
133 Khalek Molla, Haroa, 24, Parganas (N), 02-06-09
134 Dinesh Deb Singh, GR Pur, Dinajpur (S), 06-06-09
135 Govind Samanta, Panshkura, Midnapur (E), 06-06-09
136 Mamoni Kishku, Binpur, Midnapur (W), 06-06-09
137 Kinkar Dolui, Panchla, Howrah, 08-06-09
138 Salku Soren, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 11-06-09
139 Sitabur Seikh, Lalgola, Murshidabad, 11-06-09
140 Ikramul Haque, Beharampur, Murshidabad, 12-06-09
141 Shankar Tudu, Belpahari, Midnapur (W), 13-06-09
142 Asit Samanta, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 13-06-09
143 Naru Samanta, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 13-06-09
144 Prabir Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 13-06-09
145 Keshab Manna, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 14-06-09
146 Dhiraj Manna, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 14-06-09
147 Sanjay Mahato, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 14-06-09
148 Pabitra Das, Nandigram, Midnapur (E), 14-06-09
149 Debabrata Soren, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 14-06-09
150 Mohan Singh, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 14-06-09
151 Tuntuni Jana, Amedabad, Midnapur (E), 14-06-09
152 Falguni Mukherjee, Mangalkote, Burdwan, 15-06-09
153 Sunil Das, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 16-06-09
154 Tapan Das, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 16-06-09
155 Sanjay Pratihar, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 16-06-09
156 Niladri Mahato, Lodashuli, Midnapur (W), 17-06-09
157 Anil Mahato, Lodashuli, Midnapur (W), 17-06-09
158 Abhijit Mahato, Lodashuli, Midnapur (W), 17-06-09
159 Badal Chandra Ahir, Goaltore, Midnapur (W), 18-06-09
160 Sisir Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 18-06-09
161 Dubraj Soren, Goaltore, Midnapur (W), 18-06-09
162 Dasarath Soren, Goaltore, Midnapur (W), 18-06-09
163 Chaitnya Soren, Goaltore, Midnapur (W), 18-06-09
164 Keshav Das, Nandigram, Midnapur (W), 19-06-09
165 Siraj Khan, Itaru, Galsi, Burdwan, 21-06-09
166 Ajay Rauth, Haldia, Midnapur (E), 21-06-09
167 Budheswar Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 21-06-09
168 Pranesh Ghosh, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 21-06-09
169 Naba Kumar Murmu, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 26-06-09
170 Kishore Tiwari, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 26-06-09
171 Jugol Murmu, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 26-06-09
172 Moloy Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 05-07-09
173 Motilal Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 05-07-09
174 Pinki Khatun (8 yrs), Domkol, Murshidabad, 09-07-09
175 Barendranath Mahato, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W 10-07-09
176 Gurucharan Mahato, Lalgarh, West Dinajpur, 11-07-09
177 Abijit Mondal (11 years), Uluberia, Howrah, 13-07-09
178 Swapan Deb Singh, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 14-07-09
179 Tarani Singh, Shalboni, Midnapur (W), 14-07-09
180 Gangadhar Mahato, Barabazar, Purulia, 15-07-09
181 Jaladhar Mahato, Jhargam, Purulia, 18-07-09
182 Ashok Ghosh, Goaltore, Midnapur (W), 18-07-09
183 Fagu Baske, Belpahari, Midnapur (W), 22-07-09
184 Arghya Samanta, Raina, Burdwan, 27-07-09
185 Ananda Das, Rajganj, Jalpaiguri, 28-07-09
186 Sagar Masant, Goaltore, Midnapur (W), 30-07-09
187 Ashok Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 31-07-09
188 Brahmodeo Singh, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 31-07-09
189 Motilal Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 31-07-09
190 Moloy Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 31-07-09
191 Nirmal Mahato, Bhulabheda, Midnapur (W), 02-08-09
192 Gurucharan Tudu, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 03-08-09
193 Shankar D. Adhikari, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 05-08-09
194 Gunadhar Singh, Bhulabheda, Midnapur (W), 05-08-09
195 Shaktipada Murmu, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 06-08-09
196 Ashim Soren, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 06-08-09
197 Budhu Hansda, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 06-08-09
198 Ramkrishna Duley, Sarenga, Bankura, 15-08-09
199 Madar Ali Molla, Canning, 24, Parganas (S), 17-08-09
200 Samrendranath Konai, Madgram, Birbhum, 18-08-09
201 Anirul Islam, Rajarhat, 24, Parganas (N), 23-08-09
202 Mangal Soren, Binpur, Midnapur (W), 29-08-09
203 Laxmikanta Kumar, Sindurpur, Purulia, 29-08-09
204 Madan Mondal, Garulia, North 24, Parganas, 29-08-09
205 Bharat Hembram, Balarampur, Purulia, 30-08-09
206 Sukhdeo Mahato, Bhramarmara, Midnapur (W), 31-08-09
207 Debi Prasad Hansda, Balarampur, Purulia, 31-08-09
208 Abu Ali Mondal, Baruipur, 24, Parganas (S), 03-09-09
209 Hashem Mondal, Baruipur, 24, Parganas (S), 03-09-09
210 Mirazul Seikh, Beldanga, Murshidabad, 04-09-09
211 Azmat Seikh, Beldanga, Murshidabad, 04-09-09
212 Ketabul Seikh, Kaliachak, Maldah, 04-09-09
213 Apu Singh, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 06-09-09
214 Rajib Singh, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 06-09-09
215 Satish Singh Sardar, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 06-09-09
216 Sasanka Sekhar Roy, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 06-09-09
217 Shyam Chalak, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 07-09-09
218 Ramdas Murmu, Sarenga, Bankura, 08-09-09
219 Baneswar Murmu, Sarenga, Bankura, 08-09-09
220 Abhiram Das, Nanur, Birbhum, 08-09-09
221 Krishna Kundu, Sarenga, Bankura, 10-09-09
222 Bakul Seikh, Lalgola, Murshidabad, 11-09-09
223 Ramen Ghosh, Lalgola, Murshidabad, 12-09-09
224 Seikh Nazrul, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 13-09-09
225 Kartik Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 13-09-09
226 Sambhu Mahato, Lalgarh, Midnapur (W), 13-09-09
227 Ajoy Patra, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 16-09-09
228 Dilip Dhara, Jadavpur, Kolkata, 17-09-09
229 Zikaria Seikh, Baryan, Murshidabad, 20-09-09
230 Manik Mandi, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 20-09-09
231 Budheswar Mandi, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 20-09-09
232 Bagan Mandi, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 20-09-09
233 Nimai Bisui, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 24-09-09
234 Samir Singha Mahapatra, Medinipur (W), 24-09-09
235 Rafique Molla, Patharpratima, 24, Parganas (S), 25-09-09
236 Susanta Dhara, Ausgram, Burdwan, 27-09-09
237 Radhanath Mahato, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 30-09-09
238 Anadi Mahato, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 30-09-09
239 Bhakti Mahato, Shalboni, Medinipur (W), 30-09-09
240 Barun Pratihar, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 01-10-09
241 Amalendu Patra, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 02-10-09
242 Panchanan Tudu, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 02-10-09
243 Lakhman Sarkar, Ausgram, Burdwan, 05-10-09
244 Sasadhar Mahato, Lalgarh, Medinipur (W), 08-10-09
245 Seikh Hashibul, Khanakul, Hooghly, 09-10-09
246 Kanai Murmu, Binpur, Midnapur (W), 13-10-09
247 Mantu Mudi, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 18-10-09
248 Ratan Mudi, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 18-10-09
249 Shital Hembram, Binpur, Midnapur (W), 19-10-09
250 Dibakar Bhattacharjee, Sankrail, W. Midnapur, 20-10-09
251 Swapan Roy, Sankrail, W. Midnapur, 20-10-09
252 Basanta Pakhira, Khanakul, Hooghly, 24-10-09
253 Pratap Nayek, Binpur, W. Medinipur, 26-10-09
254 Jayfal Mondal, Suti, Murshidabad, 27-10-09
255 Dhajen Mondal, Murshidabad, 27-10-09
256 Tapan Mudi, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 29-10-09
257 Dilip Mahato, Belpahari, W Midnapur, 29-10-09
258 Tushar Ghosh, Bongaon, N. 24 Parganas, 31-10-09
259 Madhab Mudi, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 31-10-09
260 Anil Mahato, Binpur, W. Midnapur, 01-11-09
261 Saifunissa Bibi, Khanakul, Hooghly, 04-11-09
262 Joyram Hansda, Binpur, W. Midnapur, 07-11-09
263 Manoranjan Mahali, Binpur, W. Midnapur, 07-11-09
264 Lakshmi Das, Binpur, W. Midnapur, 07-11-09
265 Naba Kumar Singh, Binpur, W. Midnapur, 08-11-09
266 Naresh Thapa, Jamboni, W. Midnapur, 08-11-09
267 Binod Tamang, Jamboni, W. Midnapur, 08-11-09
268 Bhaktabahadur Limbu, Jamboni, W. Midnapur, 8-11-09
269 Dhanbahadur Viswakarma, Jamboni, W. Midnapur, 8-11-09
270 Ishaq Seikh, Kaliachak, Maldah, 11-11-2009
271 Sashticharan Dutta, Belpahari, W. Midnapore, 15-11-2009
272 Ajit Mahato, Jhargram, W. Midnapore, 16-11-2009
273 Khudiram Mudi, W. Midnapore, 16-11-2009
274 Totan Das, Shalboni, W. Midnapore, 18-11-2009
275 Samiran Das, Shalboni, W. Midnapore, 18-11-2009
276 Jaganath Mahato, Shalboni, W. Midnapore, 19-11-2009
277 Bhanguram Hansda, Kotwali, W. Midnapore, 19-11-2009
278 Tapan Mahato, Shalboni, W. Midnapore, 23-11-2009
279 Ashok Kotal, Shalboni, W. Midnapore, 23-11-2009
280 Madan Ghosh, Binpur, W. Midnapore, 24-11-2009
281 Subimal Mali, Arsha, Purulia, 26-11-2009
282 Srikanta Banerjee, Binpur, W. Midnapore, 27-11-2009
283 Alok Mondal, Binpur, W. Midnapore, 27-11-2009
284 Karuna Mahato, Shalboni, W. Midnapore, 27-11-2009
285 Braja Bikash Mahato, Binpur, W. Midnapore, 27-11-2009
286 Bomkesh Giri, Binpur, W. Midnapore, 27-11-2009
287 Rassel Seikh, Kaliachak, Maldah, 28-11-2009
288 Dhanapati Murmu, Shalboni, W. Midnapore, 28-11-2009
289 Manowara Bibi, Bishnpur, 24, Parganas (S), 02-12-09
290 Animesh Mitra, Bongaon, 24, Parganas (N), 02-12-09
291 Nimai Singh, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 03-12-09
292 Koni Singh, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 03-12-09
293 Ramchandra Lay, Arsha, Purulia, 04-12-09
294 Bholanath Khutia, Moyna, East Midnapur, 05-12-09
295 Gurupada Mondal, Moyna, East Midnapur, 05-12-09
296 Sanatan Pratihar, Lalgarh, W. Midnapur, 06-12-2009
297 Subol Mahato, Belpahari, West Midnapur, 08-12-2009
298 Asit Mondal, Bandowan, Purulia, 09-12-2009
299 Brahspati Mahato, Jhargram, West Midnapur, 09-12-2009
300 Manik Mahato, Jhargram, West Midnapur, 09-12-2009
301 Bijoy Mahato, Jhargram, West Midnapur, 09-12-2009
302 Robi Mahato, Shalboni, West Midnapur, 09-12-2009
303 Panchanan Mahato, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 11-12-09
304 Tilak Tudu, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 11-12-09
305 Dinabandhu Soren, Lalgarh, W. Midnapur, 12-12-09
306 Akshay Mondqal, Ramnagar, E. Midnapur, 17-12-09
307 Anil Chalak, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 17-12-09
308 Dayal Chalak, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 17-12-09
309 Amal Patra, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 17-12-09
310 Shridam Hembram, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 18-12-09
311 Nishikanta Bera, Midnapur Sadar, E. Midnapur, 18-12-09
312 Sisir Jana, Dharampur, W. Midnapur, 18-12-09
313 Gopal Mahato, Jhargram, W. Midnapur, 19-12-09
314 Khagen Mahato, Jhargram, W. Midnapur, 19-12-09
315 Mossaraf Khan. Canning, 24, Parganas (S), 20-12-09
316 Sadhan Mahato, Jhargram, W. Midnapur, 22-12-09
317 Jiarul Haque Molla, Bhangad, 24, Pgs (S), 22-12-09
318 Sadek Seikh, Hariharpara, Murshidabad, 23-12-09
319 Sariful Seikh, Hariharpara, Murshidabad, 23-12-09
320 Prabir Dandapat, Gopiballavpur, W. Midnapur, 23-12-0
321 Hablu Patra, Lalgarh, W. Midnapur, 23-12-09
322 Sadhan Mahato, Lalgarh, W. Midnapur, 23-12-09
323 Biswanath Murmu, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 24-12-09
324 Rameswar Murmu, Ranibandh, Bankura, 26-12-09
325 Abdul Hai, Rampurhat, Birbhum, 28-12-09
326 Kalipada Hembram, Ranibandh, Bankura, 30-12-09
327 Anand Singh, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 31-12-09
328 Kunaram Singh, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 31-12-09
329 Bhagbat Singh, Nayagram, W. Midnapur, 01-01-10
330 Rabindra Mondal, Ramnagar, E. Midnapur, 01-01-10
331 Anath Singh, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 03-01-10
332 Hiteswar Singh, Belpahari, W. Midnapur, 03-01-10
333 Jhantu Patra, Lalgarh, W. Midnapur, 03-01-10
334 Hekim Munda, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 03-01-10
335 Bapi Bakli, Shalboni, W. Midnapur, 03-01-10
336 Panchanan Mondal, Baharampur, Murshidabad, 04-01-10

Most of the Maoist victims are teachers, grocers, daily wage earners, farmers, labourers, students, rickshaw pullers, hawkers and people belonging to other weaker sections of the society.

Apart from this, 41 police personnel 1 doctor, 1 nurse, 4 government employees on duty were also killed by Maoists. Shankar Samanta and many others murdered at Nandigram and Khejuri by them are not mentioned in the above list.

Under the circumstances, I would request you to kindly look into the matter seriously and ensure that this procession of death is stopped immediately in the interest of human rights of all irrespective of political affiliation, caste, creed and religion.

Thanking you while awaiting prompt action.

Again with regards,

Yours faithfully,
Gouranga Chatterjee


Copy forwarded to most respected Noam Chomsky for information.

UNHOLY ‘MAHAJOT’ IN WEST BENGAL by Nilotpal Basu

THE process of political cohabitation between disparate forces to forge the `grand alliance' in West Bengal is coming out in the open. And it is a truly sordid story of systematic targeted killing and bloodbath. Many in the corporate media can hardly conceal their glee over the electoral reverses that the Left has come to suffer in its bastion. While many of these sections who highlight the commissions and omissions of the Left Front government and the weaknesses of the CPI (M), maintain a studied silence on the nature of the comprehensive anti-Left project that is clearly being played out in West Bengal. It is in this context that there is a genuine need to understand and comprehend the various strands of this overarching convergence of various forces and processes which is at work to successfully meet the central direction of this project – that of seriously undermining and dislodging the Left in West Bengal.

Since the late sixties the growth of the Left movement and the CPI (M) has faced severe attacks from the ruling classes. The premature removal of the United Front from office twice in the late sixties by the imposition of the president's rule with blatant abuse of Article 356 is part of the political history, which was primarily aimed to thwart the rising tide of the movement of the workers and peasants. The most significant development during that phase of politics of the state was the unprecedented mobilisation of the landless, marginal and small peasants for land rights. The big land owning elements opposed the United Front government's thrust to identify ceiling surplus land, its vesting and redistribution among the rural poor. The popular struggle to ensure such a direction of the government was spearheaded by the CPI (M) during those troubled times. What is important to note is the decidedly rightist character of the platform, which was forged to oppose the Left and dubbed efforts to ensure agrarian reform as one, which caused ‘law and order’ problem and provoked anarchy.

But it was also clear that such a blatant rightwing thrust of the opposition to check the rising tide of the militant peasant movement was proving to be futile. It is in that context that the ultra-Left movement surfaced in the tiny hamlet of Naxalbari in the Darjeeling district of West Bengal. Later on, as a sequel to the essentially agrarian nature of the protest, it degenerated into largely armed activities of urban groups of youth and students. That these activities were almost exclusively directed against the CPI (M) and the Left was a foregone conclusion given the experience of the ultra Left anywhere in the world. It was also in the background of such a course of development that the 9th Congress of the CPI (M) noted, “…petty-bourgeois adventurism must degenerate into an anti-working class, anti-revolutionary line and its inevitable destiny was to serve the interests of the ruling classes”. Finally, the movement that started with pronouncement of ushering in a `revolutionary transformation' got completely hijacked by the Congress and paved the way for the period of semi-fascist terror of the seventies.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

For the last thirty years since the Left Front government has been in office in West Bengal, the Naxalite movement has generally faded into oblivion. The reasons were obvious. What proved decisive in the isolation of the Naxalites was the successful and widespread land reform that was led by the organised Left. This process got statutory backing when the Left Front government came to power. So the combination of socio-economic development, political and ideological interventions by the CPI (M) and the organised Left led to the situation that prevailed in West Bengal during the last three decades.

The reappearance of the sporadic actions of the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC) and the CPI (ML)-(People's War Group) in the beginning of this decade were however not based on any sustained work of the ultra Left in the largely tribal dominated areas of West Medinipur, Bankura and Purulia -loosely referred to as the Jangalmahal. These activities, which again were mostly limited to carrying out ‘hit and run’ armed attacks against the CPI (M) killing its cadre. These activities were carried out with their bases in Jharkhand, which had a long border with these districts. Subsequent to the formation of the CPI (Maoist) these forays increased. But what has really ensured the scaling up of the Maoist activities and violence with CPI (M) as its principal target has been the open support that they have come to enjoy from the Trinamul Congress.

The Trinamul Congress suffered a major electoral drubbing in the 2006 assembly elections. Apart from the positive support of the people to the policies of the Left Front government a major instrumental factor in the electoral outcome was the TMC's association with the BJP which by the time had come to face increasing political isolation following the 2004 Lok Sabha elections. In fact the Left movement in the country based on the strength of the support it enjoyed of the people of West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura against the communal-fascist politics of the saffron brigade and its aggressive neo-liberal promotion of the ‘Shining India’ paradigm contributed largely to the BJP's electoral predicament. The 2006 assembly elections were also an endorsement of the people to the Left Front's call for setting up new industries.

It had become apparent to the Indian ruling classes and particularly to the most die-hard political opponents of the Left -epitomised by the Trinamul Congress -that the Left in West Bengal cannot be undermined by the traditional rightwing platform, which had been repeatedly attempted and failed in the past. Therefore, the need for an image makeover and refashioning the formal thrust of the opposition platform was initiated. The Trinamul Congress rallied some of the fringe Naxalite groups and the SUCI around it on the question of opposition to use of agricultural land per se for setting up industry and infrastructure.

It is this background, which saw many disparate forces coming together for their own reasons to undermine the Left Front government. The CPI (M)'s opposition to the pro-US imperialist shift in our foreign policy provided great impetus to both the forces of imperialism and the domestic ruling elite who preferred such a shift to engage more actively to lend support to this political project of launching a fresh political offensive. These sections were oblivious of the Left wing pretensions and avowed defence of the rights of small and marginal farmers who had come to overwhelmingly own agricultural land in the state. Incidentally, during the Left Front tenure an unprecedented 84 per cent of the cultivable land in the state was under the ownership of the small and marginal farmers. These advocates of neo-liberal globalisation had no confusion about the real nature of the Left sounding verbiage that the Trinamul Congress and its voluble supremo Mamata Banerjee were spitting. They knew right away that the pathological hatred that the Trinamul Congress harboured towards the CPI (M) and the Left can hardly result in anything but ultimately secure the most favourable atmosphere for the Right once the Left could be undermined.

Since the developments in Nandigram, this sinister nexus was becoming increasingly apparent. The methods, which were employed in Nandigram, pointed towards the involvement of political forces, which were unlike the traditional anti-Left forces. The digging up of roads, the blowing up of bridges and the targeted killing of the CPI (M) activists in Nandigram created that situation where the entire area was out of bounds for the administration much before the unfortunate police firing of March 14, 2007. Later on, the Maoists themselves have revealed details about their involvement in Nandigram. In fact, a document of the West Bengal-Jharkhand Committee of the Maoists had pointed out that there is a growing opportunity for them to unite with different anti-Left political forces and forge an ‘all-in unity’ against the CPI (M) which according to them was a `social fascist' force. It is important to note that as is wont with the ultra Left, they did not find it necessary to elaborate economic, social or political factors leading to such a characterisation. The type of ammunitions that were unearthed, the eyewitness accounts of training given to the Trinamul led Bhoomi Uchchhed Pratirodh Committee, the umbrella organization which spearheaded the Nandigram agitation were tell tale signs of Maoist presence. Of course, subsequently, it did not require any formal investigation to establish such a connection. The Maoist leaders themselves, notably Koteswar Rao, alias Kishanji has made that explicit. Claiming the support that the Maoists had provided to the Trinamul in Nandigram they urged a quid pro quo from Mamata Banerjee vis-a-vis Lalgarh and Jangalmahal. That the Maoists were there and continue to have operational contacts is clear from the manner in which Nishikanta Mondal -the Pradhan of Sonachura gram panchayat – the epicentre of the Nandigram agitation was eliminated by the Maoists. Mamata Banerjee and the Trinamul Congress leadership had tried to shift the onus of the assassination of Mondal on the CPI (M). The Maoists came out with a strong rebuttal claiming responsibility for the murder. The Maoists further claimed that elimination of Mondal was the result of his attempt to shrug off the Maoists.

The Maoists have actually rubbished Mamata's claim. In a report published by the Telegraph on November 27, 2009, (which by no means can be faulted for its Left sympathies!)

A statement purportedly by Selim, head of the Maoists’ Nandigram zonal committee, said: “You (Mamata) had said at a rally at Sonachura recently that it was the CPM who brought us to Nandigram in 2007 and provided us with safe passage to flee. You know it was a lie.”

Selim invited the railway minister to an open debate at Sonachura. “If you believe what you said in your speech was a fact, please come to Sonachura and we will prove who is right, you or us.”

The statement also criticized Mamata’s proposal for engaging the army in Lalgarh.

It said: “We appointed Narayan to lead the Nandigram movement against CPM cadres. Trinamul MP Subhendu Adhikary knows how many times Narayan visited Nandigram and how he worked among the people of the area.

“You had delivered a speech from a place in Sonachura after the death of Nishikanta Mandal, the local (Trinamul) gram panchayat Pradhan. It was the same place where Adhikary had shared a stage with Narayan and our state committee member Sukumar to address the people of Nandigram.”

The Maoist leader explained why Mandal was killed by his men: “After Trinamul achieved political success in Nandigram, it wanted to drive us out of the area. Mandal was planning to hand over Narayan to police. He had to pay for his betrayal. We are still active in Nandigram and we will be there in future.”

The Lalgarh episode was sparked off following police actions in the area in the wake of a mine blast which was intended to kill the West Bengal chief minister on 2 November 2008, when he was returning from a programme in Salboni to inaugurate a steel plant. Incidentally there was no agitation on land acquisition in the proposed site of the plant neither was any SEZ proposal involved. The so-called People’s Committee against Police Atrocities (PCAPA) which had been created in the wake of the attempted assassination was not interested in anything else but disallowing the entry of the state administration and the police personnel into the area. Subsequently, it became clear that they were acting as the front of the Maoists demanding withdrawal of cases against the Maoist squad leader Sasadhar Mahato who had carried out the assassination attempt on the West Bengal chief minister.

TRINAMUL CONGRESS AND MAOISTS

The link between the PCAPA and the Trinamul Congress was also clear from the very beginning. The PCAPA spokesperson Chhatradhar Mahato, Sasadhar’s brother, had been a former Trinamul Congress local leader. Trinamul Congress chief Mamata Banerjee and other Trinamul leaders had also attended events organised by the PCAPA in Lalgarh during this phase though these areas were otherwise out of bounds of the administration. Now even the home minister has admitted in the Rajya Sabha (on 2 December) that the PCAPA is “only a front organization to the CPI (Maoist)”.

In February 2009, Mamata Banerjee and other leaders of the Trinamul Congress attended political events of the PCAPA in Kantapahari the Maoist stronghold. The Trinamul Congress refused to accept that the committee was a Maoist front and did their level best to legitimise them as a genuine mouthpiece for `spontaneous unrest' of tribals who were `suffering under the 32 years of Left Front misrule'. The Trinamul Congress has spared no efforts to oppose the joint operation of central and state police in Lalgarh and adjoining areas and call for the withdrawal of those forces. Mamata Banerjee in her inimical style had claimed time and again that the assassination attempt of the chief minister was `stage managed' by the CPI (M) and Maoist presence in Lalgarh and Jangalmahal is a figment of the CPI (M)'s imagination.

But as and how the Maoist involvement in Lalgarh became impossible to deny, the task became all the more onerous given the overall stand of the central government on the Maoist question highlighted by the prime minister's observation `Maoist violence is the single largest threat to the country's internal security'. Meanwhile, the Maoist leadership was also making it impossible for Trinamul and Mamata to deny the complicity. Kishanji on 4 October 2009 clearly stated that Mamata was their preferred choice for becoming the next chief minister of the state. Of course, the Maoist leader Kishanji justified that with weird argument that Mamata being an all important individual with the sole proprietorship of her party – could be manipulated in favour of the people and insulated from the overall ruling class policy framework. The Maoists are real dreamers! They can bring themselves to ignore the fact that Trinamul Congress is a part of the central government which pursues a pro-imperialist neo-liberal policy. But on the other hand Kisanji's claims to Ananda Bazar Patrika- the spearhead of the media offensive against the Left-underlines the danger that democracy and the people face from such an obnoxious combination.

Undeterred by the failure of Trinamul and Mamata to call off the joint operation, Maoists have time and again repeated their pleas – at times even assuming a cajoling tone to pursue their goal. The Trinamul Congress of course has repeated its opposition to the joint operation and Trinamul leaders not only at the grass root level but also central ministers and other leading functionaries have visited Lalgarh to provide with specific assurances for operational support. The infiltration of Trinamul ranks by Maoist elements is a fact which has been confirmed by security experts and also substantiated by official intelligence received by both the central and the state governments.

Instances of Trinamul-Maoist nexus are almost unlimited. But the most explicit of these was played out around the siege of Bhubaneswar Rajdhani Express near Jhargram. That the siege was the handiwork of the Maoists was apparent from the very outset given the demands of those who perpetrated this crime. Neatly scribbled demand for the release of Chatradhar Mahato who had admitted that he was appointed the spokesman for the PCAPA by the Maoist operatives was a clear proof of the Maoist involvement. In fact the Maoists have given call for bandhs in the area demanding his release. But the railway minister refused to accept the truth and tried initially to blame it on the CPI (M). Later, the railway FIR did not even mention the Maoists.

The unsatiable thirst for power has landed the Trinamul Congress and its supremo in the company of all kinds of forces who are inimical to the interests of the people, democracy and development. This has happened in the past as well. Otherwise, how can one forget the ganging up with the BJP-- from the very day the Trinamul was born. Today, it seems that notwithstanding the broad political consensus in the country over the disastrous course that the Maoists have embarked upon – the Trinamul Congress and its leader is acting as if they are in siege. This sinister political course has to be defeated. Peace, democracy and people's welfare face an unprecedented challenge in West Bengal. It is a challenge, which does not only affect the Left. For all patriots and well-meaning people it calls for action. The central government also has a responsibility. The lessons of the Bhindranwale phenomenon cannot be lost on us.

Source: http://leftgovtwb.blogspot.com/

AN UNCONVENTIONAL RAILWAYS MINISTER!

In a recent public announcement Union Railways Minister Mamata Banerjee has proclaimed that her ministry is ready to start up the ‘world’s biggest coach factory’ at the abandoned Tata Motors site in Singur “if the state government gives us the land”. As soon as she became Railways Minister for the second time following her most conspicuous success in the 2009 parliamentary polls, she has taken up numerous ‘new’ programmes, floated several ‘innovative’ proposals and started introducing various ‘development’ works. From the typical ‘Kalpataru’ syndrome, which has affected many Indian politicians time and again, she, is right on her track publicizing ‘big plans’ for Bengal on a regular basis through trusty media bulletins. From the bouncing Railways Minister’s continuous announcements of innumerable Bengal initiatives, it seems that the Bengal voters have at last voted a leader who is capable of satisfying their unfulfilled wishes – just like the mythological wish-fulfilling tree, which came out during churning of the ocean. Her railway strategists are doing a commendable job to link her ministerial offerings with the Trinamool party agenda. But the people of Bengal need to be cautioned about one thing. Desiring something from the ‘Kalpataru’ could turn dangerous in the long run because, according to the myth, the tree fulfills all wishes regardless of good or bad outcomes.

THE RAILWAYS MINISTER'S JUGGERNAUT

Within a short period of time, Mamata Banerjee has launched many ‘new’ trains, ‘new’ stations, ‘new’ railway line extensions, ‘new’ railway connections, ‘new’ computerized reservation offices through a nonstop inauguration extravaganza and bombarded project after project. To accrue advantageous publicity and score political points over her bête noire CPI (M), she has flagged off old trains in new names, introducing new trains by taking out coaches from existing trains and re-laying foundation stones of old projects which were inaugurated long back. Recently she had laid the foundation stone of the New Jubilee Bridge over river Hooghly in North 24-Parganas, and renamed it as ‘Maitreyee’ bridge. The farcical part is, during her first tenure in 2001 she had laid a foundation stone of this same bridge!

Keeping track on all her Bengal centric projects and promises is not going to be an easy task. Her railway budget has proposed the takeover of the wagon units of Burn Standard and Braithwaite. Both units under the Ministry of Heavy Industries and both are based in Bengal. From the 375 ‘ideal’ stations that her budget has promised to create all over the country, 216 stations are in Bengal alone! Assuring the commuters that the progress of this project will be ‘personally’ monitored by her, she had declared to sanction “Rs 50 lakh to Rs 1 crore for each of these stations”. In presence of representatives from national auto majors, she has inaugurated an automobile logistics hub at Shalimar which will “provide employment to scores of local men and women” and has also chosen Singur for the Rs 3 crore perishable cargo storage unit under the "Kisan Vision" scheme where “Singur’s farmers can store their excess products at this unit free of cost”! It is highly interesting to note the locations of her bombastic projects – most of them are carefully chosen on the merit of their political significance.

Her budget proposal also include the Rs 900 crore project of a new coach factory at the Kanchrapara-Halishahar railway complex in North 24-Parganas, a component factory at Dankuni in Hooghly district, and a high-speed bogie casting unit at Majherhat, South 24-Parganas. Though the same Mamata Banerjee and her party is fervently opposing a power plant at Burdwan district’s Katwa in the pretext of ‘forceful land acquisition’ by the state government, she found no problem to propose a 1000MW power plant at Purulia’s Adra in her budget as it will “create jobs for local tribals” and bring “the tribal people into the mainstream”. Though critics have pointed out that the Railways have to acquire additional land if they truly want to set up the proposed power plant in Adra since they do not possess the full amount of land required for the project.

There are other Bengal projects in her kitty such as extending the Metro rail network to Dakshineswar, Barrackpore and Barasat, connecting Kolkata by a ‘ring-railway network’, and laying new rail lines at Canning, Bakkhali and Nandigram. Her ministry is also thinking to set up new coach factories in Burdwan, Nadia and other Bengal districts. She has also announced that the Railways have planned several industrial projects in the state that would generate ‘employment for lakhs’ and has expressed her desire to revive the jute industry in the state. “There are many closed jute mills in and around Kanchrapara. The jute industry will be revived and there are other plans as well” she has assured. To pour honey into people’s ear she has proclaimed, “Many more industries will be coming up and there is no need for you to leave Bengal.” It occurs awesomely bizarre when we recall that it was this same industry friendly and ‘changed’ Mamata Banerjee who had forced Tata Motors a year ago to shift the Nano plant from Bengal to Gujarat’s Sanand by spearheading the Singur siege.

The myopic Railways Minister has also reached a new low by refusing to invite the state government at her inaugural ceremonies. Relishing her act of disregarding democratic protocols as a fitting response to the ‘high and mighty’ Left Front government, one of the client scribes has gone to the extent of declaring that, “her individual acceptability with the people of the State is more than what the Left Front as a whole”. A highly pretentious statement follows: “the Union Railway Minister has appeared as a titan in State politics” in front of pygmies “like Prakash Karat, Sitaram Yechury, Biman Bose and Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee”. (Source) Her Railways functions have also been converted into TMC party events where invitees are categorically selected according to their loyalty. Mamata Banerjee really gets a sadistic pleasure by publicly ignoring the State government. Over the years, she has induced a new kind of political hatred into the polity, which has greatly assisted to lumpenize Bengal’s political culture.

AN UNCONVENTIONAL RAILWAYS MINISTER!

The talented Railways Minister has also indicated that she does not want to stay restricted into the conventional Railways Minister’s cocoon. In fact, she has attempted to put forward a unique idea; that it requires only one minister to gratify almost every requisite of the voters. Surrounded by film stars and the intellectual glitterati of Kolkata during the flagging off ceremony of the Tollygunge-Garia Bazaar Metro Railway extension, she had announced to set up a 75-bed hospital near Tollygunge in Kolkata, and promised to upgrade the existing South Eastern Railway Hospital into a well-equipped medical college. In the “next two-three years” she had proposed to set up more hospitals, schools, cold storages, flyovers, museums, theatre complexes, stadiums and what not? Her ministry has sanctioned Rs 17 crore for a stadium at Bongaon in North 24 Parganas. “If we get land from the state government” she had said while offering to construct another stadium at Canning in South 24-Parganas and bragged that “we can construct it in seven days”! Scrapping off a similar sports complex project in neighboring Howrah which was approved by the former Railways Minister Nitish Kumar during the NDA regime, the Eastern Railway will now spend Rs 57 crore to build an ‘world class’ indoor stadium to Behala, a part of the Railways Minister’s South Calcutta constituency because she simply “does not seem to be interested” in the Howrah project. Instead she has sanctioned Rs.3.5 crore for an amphitheatre there to “develop it as a platform for cultural interaction” and “to nurture cultural activities in our state”. Naming the amphitheatre after theatre personality Sambhu Mitra, she had appointed Sambhu Mitras’s daughter Shaoli Mitra as the chairperson of the advisory committee. Shaoli Mitra is one of her client intellectuals who were in the forefront of Nandigram-Singur agitation demanding a political ‘change’ in Bengal. Mitra also chairs the newly formed Heritage and Cultural Committee of the Railways and draws Rs. 50,000 per month of public money as allowance along with other perks. Many of the Bengali intellectuals considered close to her were also rewarded with plum posts in various Railways committees.

THE BASUMATI FIASCO

During her budget speech, Mamata Banerjee had also offered to take over the state-run printing press Basumati Corporation Ltd, a 128-year-old historic publishing house associated with the freedom movement. The corporation is presently a sick unit with an accumulated loss of Rs 100 crore. Mamata Banerjee’s announcement in the Parliament that “if the state government agrees, we will take over Basumati and modernize it” was promptly welcomed by the Bengal government as a “very good proposal” and had generated huge hope among the 200 doomed Basumati employees. The jubilant Bengali media also created a lot of hype around the proposal. But the lofty offer turned into a damp squib and subsequently ended the hope of the employees when the Railway Board wrote to the state government that it will take over the PSU but ‘would not accept the liabilities’. Mamata Banerjee’s Basumati flop show is a premonition of what is really going to happen with her Singur proposal.

THE SINGUR LABYRINTH

From the day Mamata Banerjee and her friends has forced the Tata’s to leave Singur; the humiliated Bengal government is keenly trying to bring in new investors to ensure industry in the abandoned land. After negotiations with the Chinese automobile manufacturing company First Automobile Works (FAW) failed to materialize, the state government opted for the central government PSU Bharat Heavy Electricals Ltd (BHEL) to set up a power plant. Keeping a careful watch on the developments “whether BHEL is really coming” and calling the state government’s initiative a joke, Mamata Banerjee was quick to float her counter proposal of setting up a railway coach factory on the same day the BHEL officials has visited Singur to assess the site. Informing the media that her proposal has already received the blessing of Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee, she went on further to disclose that the affectionate Finance Minister “told me to go ahead”. After all, who can dare to oppose a vital Union Minister’s “dreams regarding Singur”? Keeping in mind the present political clout, it would have been a real surprise if the central government PSU had agreed to go ahead with the project on this ‘dream’ site. Inevitably, BHEL refused to go ahead with the project on ‘technical, commercial and environmental grounds’.

To a certain extent Mamata Banerjee was taken aback when the Bengal government agreed to her proposal. The state chief secretary’s announcement before the media that “The state government, in-principle, is agreeable to hand over the entire land at Singur to the Railways for setting up a coach manufacturing factory” caused panic among the TMC think-tank. Receiving instructions from the above, familiar Trinamool face Partha Chaterjee has to plunge in with the musty old demand of returning ‘400 acres’ of land (This figure is a blatant TMC lie. The actual figure is 254.36 acres, where the owners have either refused to accept compensation from the state government or unable to claim the compensation due to legal problems) to the unwilling landowners. Accordingly the Railway Board chairman wrote back to the Bengal government echoing the TMC line that “The railways want to set up a world-class coach factory in Singur on the entire land (600 acres) after returning 400 acres to the unwilling farmers/landowners.” (Emphasis added)

There are enough reasons to be skeptical about the proposal. Mamata Banerjee and her band of cohorts are not so stupid to recognize the fact that once acquired for public purpose, no land can be returned to the original owners until the Land Acquisition Act of 1894 is amended. She knows very well that it will be exceedingly difficult, if not impossible, to keep her promise and return the so-called ‘400 acres’ to the unwilling farmers after removing the legal obstacles. In addition to legal problems, it is also impossible to fish out and rescue 600 acres for the coach factory as the disputed lands are scattered in the form of small plots all over the site. They are definitely not stupid but wicked to the core. Their aim is only to recur into the same vicious politics that they had played with Singur just a year ago. For her own interest, the deceitful Railways Minister wants to keep Singur as a labyrinth where the destiny of numerous ordinary people will be captivated.

While answering the question about how the so called 400 acres could be returned, a stupid TMC source has revealed the true intention: “In all probability, the entire rail coach factory project will start rolling post 2011, when we come to power.” This comment shows the sly cunning face of Mamata Banerjee’s Singur initiative. It is neither the coach factory, nor the future of Singur but ‘coming to power’ that is important. This vicious political game will never encourage industry in Singur but simply evoke utter hopelessness and despair.

PLOTTING THE BENGAL LINE

Mamata Banerjee propagandists embedded with the media are asking: why she is blamed for being blatantly partial to her State when she has initiated national projects like spreading the Railways network in Kashmir, launched ladies Special EMU trains connecting metro cities with suburbs and has introduced trains like the Izzat – intended for the poorest of the poor, and the Duronto – India’s ‘fastest’ non-stop trains? Applying Railways Minister’s status for pushing forward the party agenda has been made an established norm in this country by all her predecessors. There is nothing wrong if she is doing the same. To defend Mamata Banerjee’s biased Bengal initiatives, the client scribes has premeditated an aggressive attack on the Marxists, blaming them for deriding “various development works of the railways”. The Railways Minister herself has provided them the tip: “The CPI (M) is constantly conspiring against the railways. If any accident takes place in the railways, they CPI (M) will be solely responsible for that”. Haunted by the CPI (M) specter, the client scribes are cautiously trying to obscure the dark truth. Mamata Banerjee actually cares a damn for the development of the Railways infrastructure throughout India. Her interest on the few national projects is only because they have the potential to generate wide publicity in the national media. Her real interest lies in making the most of the Railways infrastructure projects to mesmerize the Bengal voters for the next one and half years till the 2011 Bengal assembly polls. The ‘privileged’ voters in return will pave her way towards supremacy and make her the Chief Minister. It will also ensure a long-term reverie of the anti-left spin doctors – to end the CPI (M) rule in Bengal.

Who is going to finance the hogwash list of Railways Minister’s ‘inventive’ proposals? Obviously it is the Finance Ministry under Pranab Mukherjee. The Finance Minister has sanctioned Rs 15,800 crore budgetary supports (Rs 5,000 crore more than the Rs 10,800 crore promised in the Interim Budget for 2009-10) for the Indian Railways and has also exempted transport of goods by Indian Railways from service tax. This abrupt exemption is startling when transport of goods in railway containers were already under the service tax net from 2008 and in July this year the Finance Ministry had further proposed to extend the levy of service tax. Pranab Mukherjee’s fishy U-turn again indicates a desperate political ploy. To dislodge the CPI (M) in Bengal, it is a joint venture between the present patriarch of the Bengal Pradesh Congress and the TMC chieftain, under the watchful eyes of the enigmatic Sonia Gandhi. The farsighted Congress president appears to be confident about the return of the prodigal daughter as well as the state of Bengal into her fold.

Our friendly neighborhood Railways Minister is notoriously greedy for power and authority. The parliamentary poll results and its subsequent ambiance have made her so overconfident on winning the 2011 assembly polls that she has valued the Railways Minister job only as a booster for her approaching encounter with the Marxists. By assimilating a five-year agenda into one and half year, she wants to exploit her ministerial position and reap maximum advantage from it. Therefore, it has become relatively easy for her to go on ‘gifting’ an endless list of unrealizable projects and promises regardless of any responsibilities about the consequences. On this matter, her conscience is as clean as a white piece of paper. Munawer Tehseem, the Railways Minister’s complaisant media manager from the ministry has recently boasted about how the dynamic minister has “fulfilled 70% of the promises she made in her budget speech in 56 days”. (Source) Unfortunately, the word ‘promise’ has lost its significance long back – particularly if connected with a special brand of Indian politicians turned ministers.

Like the other deceitful and reactionary politicians of this country, Mamata Banerjee is also cut from the same piece of cloth. Hence it is difficult to digest the ongoing cant that she has ‘changed’. How much the myopic vision and short time objectives will help the Railways Minister to grab political power in Bengal will be manifested in the near future. But one thing is for sure. If her cunningly plotted political gamesmanship succeeds, then Bengal will change; but possibly for the worst.

Source: http://wordsfromsolitude.blogspot.com/